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By James F. Eder

For many of the 20 th century, migrant settlers from the Philippines have tested homesteads and new methods of existence on Palawan Island, a one-time wooded area wasteland. at the island's coastal plains and within the hilly inside, settlers have created dynamic and wealthy groups in keeping with in the community variable mixtures of agricultural and non-agricultural lifeways. This quantity offers an research of socioeconomic swap in a single Palawan settler group based in the course of the Nineteen Forties. in accordance with certain details on the degrees of group, family and person spanning a 25-year interval (1970-1995), the chapters focus on 3 simple issues: the improvement of a post-frontier village economic climate; family options for survival and prosperity; and person targets as they relate to rules approximately social status and private worthy. those issues are attached into an built-in research of switch locally throughout time and set in the context of wider adjustments in society.

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Extra resources for A Generation Later: Household Strategies and Economic Change in the Rural Philippines

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However, precisely how much land remains forested is uncertain. The government’s “Strategic Environmental Plan for Mainland Palawan” estimates that 68 percent of the island is still forested (PIADPO 1985:12), and Finney and Western similarly report that “about two-thirds” of the island is still under forest (1986:47), but these estimates were based on 1979 Landsat imagery. A more recent estimate of Palawan’s remaining forest cover is 54 percent, based on the Philippine-German forest inventory (Forest Management Bureau 1988), and informal estimates currently circulating in government offices in Palawan are on the order of 45 to 50 percent.

Many of those students in turn go on to study at the government-supported Palawan State University, but some also attend one of the several private colleges in the city. Among the variety of government programs currently aimed at San Jose residents are two that nicely illustrate how global ecological and social concerns play out at the local level. One involves a cooperative effort by the City Agriculturalist Office and a national sustainable development NGO to promote biointensive, low-chemical-input farming in San Jose.

The common thread in all such developments has been voluntary farmer response to greater market opportunity, with land scarcity, once held to be a central factor in the intensification process (Boserup 1965), now playing a secondary role (see Brush and Turner 1987:33–34). The intensification of San Jose agriculture is the subject of Chapter 3. Second, San Jose agriculture is diverse, even within single households, and in ways that extend beyond the farm. Again San Jose farmers resemble the intensive cultivators described by Netting: The diversity of crop and livestock activities means that smallholders are almost always busy, and, if they lack sufficient land to occupy them, they must intensify out of agriculture, devoting labor to crafts, service occupations, trade, or wage work for others.

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