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By Michael Krepon (auth.)

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Extra info for Cooperative Threat Reduction, Missile Defense and the Nuclear Future

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But appearances were deceptive. The tide turned quickly and unexpectedly in the latter part of the decade. Difficulties first became apparent with the fine print of treaties, spreading rapidly to the political realm. The Tide Turns The momentum behind efforts to reduce dangers posed by weapons of mass destruction is not self-generating: progress comes only with sustained and concerted efforts from the top down. Nor do these dangers remain in a state of equilibrium. If forward progress is not forthcoming, backsliding is likely to result.

But rational choices are made through the prism of domestic politics, and START II was deeply disliked in Russia. –Russian relations by a Russian Foreign Minister and President who had lost the confidence of their country. The Clinton administration hoped in vain that the Kremlin would swallow the bitter medicine of START II in order to secure a third accord, where the disparities in nuclear force levels would be reduced. From 1996 through 1998, President Clinton declined to enter new negotiations with Russia, seeking instead an up-or-down vote in the Duma on START II.

International experience on Capitol Hill declined steeply as the ranks of congressional veterans dwindled. During the 1970s, as many as 70 percent of the membership in Congress had served in the armed forces. By the mid-1990s, this percentage was halved, and fell further with every subsequent election. S. foreign assistance, and treaties constraining missile defenses and nuclear testing. Chairman Helms of the Foreign Relations Committee defined his accomplishments in negative, rather than positive, terms.

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